Pursuit of Higher Education in Science
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Higher Education in Science |
International competition is
not the only area of concern for those who view American science education as
troubled. In 1990, former University of California president and National
Science Foundation director Richard Atkinson, in a well-publicized article
in Sciencemagazine, projected “significant shortfalls” of scientists “for
the next several decades” (Atkinson 1990, p. 425). This concern about
recruitment of talented young adults to scientific education and careers has
been echoed numerous times, leading to a popular view that there has been “a
growing aversion of America’s top students—especially the native-born white
males who once formed the backbone of the nation’s research and technical
community—to enter scientific careers” (Benderly 2010). However, the claims of
a current or impending shortage have also been challenged (Butz et al. 2003;
Galama and Hosek 2008; Lowell and Salzman 2007).
To address these concerns, we
document trends in American undergraduates’ pursuit of college-level scientific
studies using longitudinal data on three cohorts of school-aged youth collected
by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). Each cohort was
followed through high school graduation and for at least eight years
thereafter, with several follow-up interviews during this period. The NCES
datasets provide information about the high school graduating classes of 1972,
1982, and 1992.
We break down the process of
degree attainment into two sequential steps: (1) attainment of a degree
regardless of field and (2) attainment of college-level science education given
a degree. In this way, we are able to distinguish trends in the pursuit of
higher education more generally from trends in the pursuit of a science degree
among all who receive a bachelor’s degree.
The first two rows of Table 1 show the
unadjusted trends across the three cohorts in the likelihood of receiving a
bachelor’s degree. The fraction of men receiving a bachelor’s degree rose
modestly, from 27.8 percent in the 1972 cohort to 30.5 percent in the 1992
cohort. For women, the rise was more substantial, from 23.9 percent to 36.9
percent. Students with high mathematical aptitudes (defined as having scored in
the top 25 percent on the mathematics test given in each survey) generally had
high rates of completing a bachelor’s degree (above 50 percent). Men in this
category increased their completion rates from 54.5 percent in 1972 to 64.3
percent in 1992, and women increased their rates by a larger margin, from 53.5
percent for the 1972 cohort to 75.9 percent for the 1992 cohort.
The next two rows present trends in the
likelihood of receiving a bachelor’s degree in science or engineering (S/E)
conditional on having received a bachelor’s degree in some field. For men,
there is no clear trend: the fraction of college graduates receiving an S/E
degree is between 28.3 percent and 31.4 percent. For women, there is an
increase in the pursuit of science across cohorts, from 10.2 percent of college
graduates in the 1972 cohort to 13–14 percent in the later cohorts. Even so,
although women made slight inroads in scientific training over this period,
male college graduates in the most recent cohorts were still more than twice as
likely as their female counterparts to receive degrees in S/E fields.
There is little evidence that
science suffers a “leaky pipeline” during the college years that steers
students away from scientific fields and toward nonscientific studies. Using
data from the same sources on 12th grade students’ expectations regarding their
major in college, we find that, for the 1992 cohort, the share of actual S/E
majors among bachelor’s degree recipients is slightly higher than the share of
expected S/E degrees among youth expecting a bachelor’s degree. Among 12th
grade boys expecting to attain a college degree, 27.5 percent expected it to be
in science and 28.3 percent of male college graduates actually received a
degree in science. For women the numbers are 10.5 percent and 13.2 percent,
respectively. Thus actual science majors account for about the same share of
graduates as expected science majors do of expected degree recipients.
These patterns of science study among young men
and women also hold true among students with high mathematical aptitudes. The
likelihood of high-achieving men receiving S/E degrees was 36.9 percent in the
1972 cohort and 38.8 percent in the 1992 cohort; for high-achieving women the
likelihood rose from 15.7 percent for the 1972 cohort to 19.3 percent for the
1992 cohort.
We further disaggregate the trend data on S/E
degrees by field and present them in the last panel of Table 1. There is
evidence of declining pursuit of physical science degrees among both men and
women. In the 1972 cohort, 7.4 percent of male college graduates and 3.6
percent of female college graduates received a degree in physical science, but
the comparable percentages in the 1992 cohort were only 3.1 percent and 1.6
percent. Offsetting this decline was an increase during the same period in the
fraction of bachelor’s degrees in engineering: among males it rose from 9.4
percent in the 1972 cohort to 15.6 percent and 12.4 percent in the later two
cohorts, respectively, and for women the analogous numbers are 0.3 percent, 2.1
percent, and 1.7 percent. While engineering is the largest subfield of S/E
majors for men, accounting for more than 10 percent of all male college
graduates in the later two cohorts, it remains a far less common pursuit for
women, never capturing more than 2.1 percent of a graduating cohort. Women’s
gains in attaining S/E degrees were concentrated in life science, the most
popular scientific field for women: the fraction of female college graduates
that received a degree in life science rose from 4.6 percent in the 1972 cohort
to 8.3 percent in the 1992 cohort. Pursuit of math degrees has always been less
common among students of either sex, and the share of math degrees declined
across the cohorts for women, while showing no clear trend for men.
Thank you.
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